By Matthew Jones
By way of emphasising the function of nuclear concerns, After Hiroshima, released in 2010, presents an unique historical past of yankee coverage in Asia among the losing of the atomic bombs on Japan and the escalation of the Vietnam battle. Drawing on a variety of documentary proof, Matthew Jones charts the advance of yankee nuclear approach and the international coverage difficulties it raised, because the usa either faced China and tried to win the friendship of an Asia rising from colonial domination. In underlining American perceptions that Asian peoples observed the potential repeat use of nuclear guns as a manifestation of Western attitudes of 'white superiority', he bargains new insights into the hyperlinks among racial sensitivities and the behavior people coverage, and a clean interpretation of the transition in American method from giant retaliation to versatile reaction within the period spanned by way of the Korean and Vietnam Wars.
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Extra resources for After Hiroshima : the United States, race, and nuclear weapons in Asia, 1945-1965
Pearl S. Buck, ‘China Faces the Future’, lecture delivered at the New School for Social Research, New York, 13 October 1942, Pearl S. Buck papers, Butler Library, Columbia University. 41 Thus, in self-congratulatory fashion, the United States in 1943 both renounced its former extraterritorial rights in China and repealed the Chinese exclusion provisions of US immigration law (though setting a miserly admission quota). 42 These were all actions designed by the Americans to signal to their new Far Eastern ally that the days of unequal treatment were passing.
It is used to wipe out women and children and unarmed people, and not for military uses. ’ A few months later he was expressing his desire to see the whole US nuclear arsenal dumped into the sea with the thought, ‘this isn’t just another weapon . . not just another bomb. ’82 The formation of the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) in January 1947, following the passage of the Atomic Energy Act the previous August, with its ﬁve civilian commissioners appointed by the President, was a further sign that nuclear weapons held a special status in the eyes of both the White House and powerful sections of Congress, where oversight of the legislation was provided by the Joint Congressional Committee on Atomic Energy.
As he explained to his Cabinet, ‘the thought of wiping out another 100,000 people was too horrible. ’65 Of course, the atomic bomb was not developed in time for use before the end of the war in Europe, and there is no indication that ‘racial’ considerations would have played any part in reluctance to use it against Germany, where the civilian population was already being subjected to the full weight of the allied bomber offensive. Given this background, it is difﬁcult to conceive that the Japanese were somehow being singled out for 62 63 64 65 Quoted in Hasegawa, Racing the Enemy, 202.